The ELM Charter emphasized the Moslems and Christians were brothers, and their unity was what made Eritrean nation"

"The Liberation Movement of Eritrea was based on purely national bases that did not exploit religion and did not exploit a tribe and thus found a quick response in record time from all the Eritrean people." from Interview: Mohamed Nour Yahya Mohamed Nour Yahya

فاطمه موسى
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Eritrea Liberation Movement led by the fighter Muhammad Saeed Nawud from the first peaceful revolutionary movements against the Ethiopian occupation
I'm telling you this conversation from

Interview: Mohamed Nour Yahya
Part:
Mr. Mohamed Saeed Nawud, first I congratulate you on the years since the establishment of the Eritrea Liberation Movement and your celebration of this day
Thank you very much for this beautiful opportunity that I had on the occasion of the half-century anniversary of the establishment of the Eritrea Liberation Movement, which I find in myself a lot of passion and memories, but of course

The closing musk here is the victory of the cause I vowed myself to establish the Eritrea Liberation Movement is the victory of the revolution and the independence of Eritrea.
Mr. Mohamed Saeed Nawd, as you celebrate years since the establishment of the Eritrea Liberation Movement, how do you evaluate the performance of the ′′ movement its money and on it?
The truth is that I prefer someone else to do the evaluation because no matter how hard I try, I will still be tight for this experience.
As for what this movement did I can tell all the steps I identified and charted the path for it was right. However, the movement did not find the opportunity, because once it started briefly, it faced many campaigns such as the Israeli movement, or the communist, Ethiopian, and it sees accusations that do not combine. It comes in the context of a struggle in power neither in time nor in place.

This is a matter that leads to an experience that we must benefit from. Disagreement is natural, but we must learn that there are ethics, we differ in opinion, but as they say disagreement does not ruin an issue, but there must be ethics in disagreement, criticism must be within disagreement and what is allowed.
And not stoning people, I say it because so far we are suffering from this problem, and we have not benefited from that long experience of our struggle. So I say we should establish a healthy political action, adhere to it and follow the next generations after us, because the campaign faced by the movement in the dispute was not objective, it had a lot of injuries, attacks, accusations, sending charges etc. This did not give the movement a chance so that in a short time it could continue its way.

If the movement had a chance, it might have been creative and shortened the way.
So what we benefit from years after the establishment of the movement is to know whether we are living now or who will come after us to learn the ethics of dealing with disagreement.
You say in your book that the movement was born in political circumstances, one of its most important weapons was tribal, sectarian, religious and regional affiliations, even within the framework of one party, let alone the public belonging of other parties, and it had a negative effect on national unity, please explain to us Mr. Nawd, the circumstances of the movement arising under these concepts, and how did it succeed in putting up the slogan of national unity in light of a backward reality like this?

The truth at this point I want to say that the existence of tribes, religious sects, etc. This is an old thing in the development of peoples across the continent and in the Earth will find it among the Central Asian Redskins and everywhere. But the imbalance came from exploiting these to achieve limited and personal goals. On the contrary, the existence of these issues copied in the party conflict market and others were the first to use by Ethiopians, they brought this conflict, whether it was communal, tribal or other, unfortunately, colonialism moved in Eritrea and fell in love with political leaders, and the evidence of that This is a shell not something new in our society.

The Liberation Movement of Eritrea was based on purely national bases that did not exploit religion and did not exploit a tribe and thus found a quick response in record time from all the Eritrean people.

I will tell you, for example, that I am from the coastal territory and never thought of going to the north coast and to my family, on the contrary, the first branch of movement inside Eritrea founded in Asmara and Dinkalia. So I can say that using these concepts was a corrupt weapon and exploited to root and create differences in our Eritrean surroundings, then political leaders even from national powers fell into it.

How did you overcome all these tribal difficulties and concepts and their impact, and to suddenly show a movement that disowns all of this and how did you overcome the difficulties and problems so that you can achieve that spread in society in a short time?

Indeed, we studied the Eritrean experiment in the period of self-determination, what did the enemy do and what did the events, so when we started our work and started explaining to Eritreans that we are people who don't have tribal problems and we don't just have a problem of colonization that wants to He swallows us using these corrupt weapons and to confront these corrupt weapons used by the enemy and their deactivation we must meet around national goals.
So our problem wasn't just America or Ethiopia, we want to free our country from Ethiopian colonization from its driving force behind global colonization America.
These issues we began to explain and thus we found great acceptance in a very fast time, so the movement found responsiveness from Muslims and Christians, in lows, highs, etc.
Professor, for example, you belong to a family whose leader Kentibay Osman, who was a symbol of the federal, did you apply pressure to discourage you from continuing this national action as it undermines their goals?

Don't forget that I had a political background before the establishment of the movement, saturated with the ideas of liberation of my country and so I was going over the tribe's story and the story of Kentibay, right I belong to Kentibay but at the same time I was over this thinking, I was thinking nationalally about it Now and so these things did not affect me. And many fought me in this frame because I belong to Kentibai, a certain tribe etc.... but I was getting over this and found myself in the Eritrean national ocean.
On the occasion of the political background I mentioned, you say to confront Ethiopian oppression, the movement created secret work, where did this innovation come from, especially because the experience was for the first time in a square that used tribalism and sectarianism, is there a study that you were guided by, or is it a result of experiences? Former politician or what?
Secret style is well known to have been a complete success, and has been around the world. For any forces that change, we used to follow these things, and we used to read about the resistance experiences in Latin America, even in the fight against the Kayseri regime in Russia.

On this occasion, I remember all these experiences we used to look at and therefore, just that we studied and thought We have found that we must resort to secret style in the face of this invasive Ethiopian repressive regime of our country. I remember before the establishment of the movement, we visited Adolis sports team in Port Tsudan in 1954, including the martyr, staring at the time, we used to go and meet them, and we were trying to approach them. And I dedicated him the book ′′ Mother ′′ by Maxim Gorky, the book was telling about the secret experience in the fight against Caesarean, Tako took this book with him to brown and it was in English, and once the movement was formed we called Taco and others it was really Saturated with style, we have resorted to it as a global experience against resistance to colonialism and therefore we resort to this style.

How was the establishment of this movement, for example, you said ′′ Adolis ′′ team came there and you recognized them. Did these links have a role to play in establishing the movement or were there any other relationships before it?
Never before this idea I came to brown several times before the establishment of the movement, so in 1955 I came on vacation to Eritrea, I was making connections, and I was in my mind that a job should be done, although the idea wasn't much clear but I was calling I meet many people and discuss with them and I used to tell them that this country is susceptible to swallow, and these were the most important things I was discussing until I reached contentment in 1957 and I said we must start politically or Ethiopia swallow us.
Who was discussing it with you in the period before 1955 pm to 1957 pm?

I had the late colleague Idris Mohamed Hassan Qanshara with me and because we were only two discussing each other, because he was also going on a vacation and I was going another way, too and then when we came back from vacation we were discussing observation We were together, and we were recording what we did, what we discussed etc. We just wanted to get our thoughts to the parties and be embraced by these political parties and forces that existed at the time.
We explained everything to her and warned them about what happened, but unfortunately we didn't find any acceptance, but we found a remedy and they told us to leave politics to its people.
Are there individuals you met and suggested your opinion?
I have met many.

I mean who is known politicians?
For example, the late Ibrahim Sultan in Kern, and the late brother Idris Mohammad Hassan met Mr. Idris Muhammad Adam in Agradat. And I met many here in Asmara and Kern.
I used to say that we are an independent entity and we are not part of Ethiopia, and that Ethiopia did not want a federal union with us, but it wished to swallow us, but there was a bargain and met with American imperialism, and it was the federalism, a formula to swallow Eritrea by Ethiopia, So you must resist this before you swallow us. Since parties are forbidden to work, we must resort to undercover work, so you must do your homework and cost us what we do abroad. Tell us then how the idea expanded?

After we were unable to polarize people, and not accept the idea of secret work, we immediately started in Port Tsudan by recruiting some individuals, and indeed we succeeded in doing so, as the first cell of the movement was formed by both the deceased Saleh Ayay, Idris Mohamed Hassan Qanshera Muhammad Al-Hassan Othman ′′ Ar Kiffer ′′ is now in Masouaa, the late Habib Omar Qaas, and Yassin Aqda, may God prolong his life now in Saudi Arabia, and Hassan Haj Idris, may God prolong his life now in Bor Tsudan, and they are from different The nationalities among them even from the Algerian nationalism, Mr. Tesfay, who translated the movement's regulation from Arabic to Algerian, and when they were integrated, the number of them became seven people we invited to the meeting, and they were all prepared because we discussed them individually, and So the first cell we considered as leadership of movement was formed, and everyone was assigned to form a cell.

When was the first cell meeting?
This was on 2/11/1958 pm, and at my house in Bor Tsudan in Transit neighborhood.
Then what did you do next?
After forming the cells in Port Tsudan, we decided to rush into Eritrea, emptied some and commissioned him to go to his area and establish a movement cell. So we sent Yassin a knot to a brown as a resident, and in favor of me, we sent him to Karn as a son of Karn, and Mohamed Hassan in Dankalia, and so they were emptied for work.

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